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The defaults of a new industrial activity

Benjamin Mathieu


The drop in the value of pearls: the reasons for failure

Although the value of pearls gradually began to decrease as from 1990-91, this period also marked the beginning of a period of expansion in the pearl production industry, as can be seen from the above graphs

The popularity of pearl farming led hundreds of families to take up this new occupation. The deliberately approximate descriptions available nevertheless give a rough idea of the haphazard conditions under which the newly-fledged farmers flung themselves into this enterprise

In this context, the methods used and the knowledge and means available  were insufficient, the approach adopted was empirical and the outcome was damaging in the case of 90% of all the start-ups embarking in a field of activity which requires great care and patience above all.

As a result, the market was flooded with medium quality to mediocre products, such as pearls from oysters which had not been regularly checked and cleaned, and immature pearls which had not been allowed to develop for long enough

In addition to the poor quality of the pearls, no real efforts were made after 1990-92 to organise the market in order to at least  maintain the sales prices of pearls per gramme, if not prevent them from plummeting altogether.
A study carried out in 1997 by various General Interest Groups (G.I.E) showed that between 1990 and 1994, 85% of all the pearl-producing micro-firms which started up sold their first pearl crops locally to travelling dealers. By by-passing the wholesale traders, these dealers manage to bargain for pearls lower, often rock-bottom prices, using attractive modern sales techniques: they often pay small cash sums for goods which have taken two years of hard labour and financial aid to produce..

Further drops in the value of pearls also occurred, however, during some exceptionally unfavourable economic periods, such as the year 1995. The enforced withdrawal of the giant Japanese firm monopolising the pearl market when its capital, Kobé, was struck by an earthquake in January 1995, resulting in an dramatic economic crisis (the value of the Yen dropped by 13% from April to September), had considerable repercussions on the sales. This crisis spread to all the emerging  South-East Asian countries such as Singapore and the Philippines, which are the Territory's main clients. That same year, Polynesia also had to cope with the social and financial problems which were triggered by the decision to  resume the nuclear tests off the island of Moruroa. As the result of these events, the Territory attracted far fewer tourists and the pearl trade was badly hit.

The members of the pearl trade which mushroomed in 1990 did not take the trouble to regulate and organise its market activities as they should have while these were thriving. A whole series of unfavourable events then reflected and further aggravated the decline in the value of pearls which started in 1990.

Unfortunately the results obtained in 1998 and 1999 were not able to stem the devaluation of the Polynesian gems.

 

To quote Mr. Robert WAN, the uncontested leader of the Tahitian pearl industry, a member of the number one French exporters' club, who was interviewed in August 1997 in the oyster-growers' review "l'Ostréiculteur Français":

"The cultured pearl industry is still in its early youth, and is still far from having become self-sufficient..." 


It should not be forgotten in this connection that the soaring production figures recorded since 1992 have naturally had some effect on the prices. Although the world market for  black pearls is expanding by 8% a year on the average, it is not absorbing the entire output, especially as far as the  mediocre quality pearls are concerned: these are very difficult to sell, and the majority of all the pearls produced belong to this category. Here again, we agree with Mr. Robert WAN's analysis of the situation when he blames the mishaps which have undeniably befallen the Polynesian pearl industry rather than internal structural factors.

 
An over-concentrated export market.

The Tahitian pearl trade is overshadowed by the hegemony of Japan.


Graph no.4 gives the statistics on the various countries to which the Tahitian black pearls are exported. These figures were calculated as mean percentages for each country with respect to the total exports during the six-year period from 1994 to 1999. 

The Tahitian black pearl trade is highly concentrated. Ten countries import 97.8% of all the pearls sold. The first three of these countries, Japan, the United States and Hong-Kong, account for  88.7% of the whole market.

Japan alone is responsible for 68% of all the Polynesian pearl purchases.

The existence of this quasi monopoly obliges the producers to sell their pearls very cheaply, since they are aware that if they do not comply with the market conditions, they will not be able to sell their  produce at all.

On the other hand, the Polynesian pearl industry is very sensitive to any fluctuations in the Japanese economy, which has been fairly unstable since 1995, when Japan bought only 64% of the Polynesian output, as compared with 86% in 1994. As a result, the mean sales price per gramme shot down that year by 32%: this was the only possible means of liquidating the sudden "excess stock" of pearls.

The evolution of the pearl market: attempts at diversification


In terms of the percentages of the total sales for which the various countries were responsible, a slight change in the overall pattern can be seen to have occurred during the last decade of the century
.


rspergr5.gif (8070 octets)

 

The following conclusions can be drawn from these figures:

From 1991 to 1994,  Japan consistently increased its market share, reaching a record figure of 85% of all the Polynesian pearl sales in 1994. A new customer arrived when Hong-Kong joined in, expanding quickly and reaching third place within two years.

During this period, when the pearl production figures were on the increase, the conditions did not favour the diversification of the market, which contracted noticeably, on the contrary.

From 1995 to 1999, the opposite process to that described above seems to have been at work. Japan  decreased its Polynesian pearl imports, and absorbed only 60% of all the Polynesian pearl exports 1999. 

The United States, and especially Hong-Kong, which reached a record participation of 18.3% in 1999, compensated for the loss of trade to Japan. According to the latest information available, the curve corresponding to other countries is showing an upturn, thanks to the emergence of new markets, such as those which are opening up in South-Eastern Asia and Central Europe.

It is worth noting that the next three countries on the list of pearl buyers are France, Switzerland and French Polynesia, which accounts for 3% of all the sales.
One particular fraction of the Territory's pearl exports, those effected by the Economic Interest Group called "Poe Rava Nui" , which amount to less than 10% of the total sales, shows a different pattern of distribution. Japan is still by far the leading pearl buyer in this case, but French Polynesia itself was responsible for 19% of the purchases  during the last four years, mainly due to the dynamism of some of the jewellers inhabiting the Territory.

References sources :

Service des Ressources Marines. (1991-1996) Bulletin du secteur de la mer, Ministère de la mer, Polynésie française.

Service des douanes, Détails des exportations de 1997 à 1999 par destination.

Mathieu B. (1998) Mémoire de maîtrise:"La perliculture peut-elle constituer un moteur de développement en Polynésie française".

update : 07/10/08

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